Why's Congress Merging U.S. Military with Israel?
America's War Department should make its decisions out of Washington, not Tel Aviv.
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Welcome to the 20th article in our new section on religion: Christian Nation.
Two hundred and twenty five years ago our third President, Thomas Jefferson, listed in his First Inaugural Address some “essential principles of our Government.” One of them was “honest friendship with all nations,” but “entangling alliances with none.” Over the years, as the US grew from a modest republic on North America’s eastern seaboard into a continental nation-state and global superpower, that advice fell by the wayside. This country is formally part of several major multinational alliances: the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organization of American States (OAS), and ANZUS (Australia, New Zealand, US Security Treaty). We also have official agreements with a number of individual polities, notably: Canada, the UK, France, German, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and the Philippines. Some of those, as well as a several others, are considered “Major Non-NATO Allies;” for example, Argentina, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Kenya, and Qatar. Israel is also on this list. Yes, surprisingly, Israel is not formally an ally of the USA.
But of course, in reality, the US and the Jewish state are closely allied. Their current joint war on Iran is a prime, but only the latest, example. The two countries have been intimately connected, politically and militarily, since the Truman Administration. But now, many Congressional Republicans, and some Democrats, support wedding the US defense establishment to Israel’s, creating a closer military relationship than we have with any other country—even Canada, with whom we have cooperated on continental defense via the North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) since 1958.
How do they want to do this? By certain provisions of the proposed 2027 National Defense Authorization Act. Buried in its 1562 pages, as part of the $1.1 trillion Department of War budget, are mandates to fuse the American and Israeli defense establishments. (A good summary, upon which I draw, is available here.) The NDAA is hung up in Congress, but currently has a good chance of eventually being passed.
Section 1217 of this massive bill is the US-Israel “Framework for Upgraded Technologies, Unified Research, and Enhanced Security.” This FUTURES Act would set up an Executive Assistant to the Secretary of War, whose job would be to ensure that the US and Israel work, in effect, as one entity on researching, developing, building and deploying weapons systems. American and Israeli defense firms would co-produce drones, anti-missile systems, AI, directed-energy weapons, biotechnology, sensors, and in a host of other areas. The two countries have worked together in similar fashion before, on, for example, the “Iron Dome” anti-ballistic missile system—with the US footing most of the bill. But even those were problematic. In 2020 the US Army “canceled plans to buy two additional [missile] batteries after Israel declined to provide software source code need to integrate the system with American air defenses.”
And Israel’s national interests, to put it mildly, don’t always mesh with America’s. Just last month the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) raised the Israeli counter-intelligence threat against the US from “high” to “critical.” An unnamed “senior US official” blasted Israel counter-intelligence during President Trump’s second term as “unhinged.” Senior Trump Administration officials, notably chief negotiator with Iran Steve Witkoff, were targeted. And this isn’t just a recent phenomenon that can be chalked up to Israel’s anxiety over Iran.
During President Obama’s second term, Israel was ranked as the third most dangerous cyber-threat, behind only Russia and China. Arguably the most damaging spy in US history was former US Navy intelligence analyst Jonathon Pollard, who stole US secrets for Israel (and, indirectly, the USSR, which wound up with much of his information) during the Cold War. He was caught and jailed here, then paroled and wound up moving to Israel in 2020—where he received a hero’s welcome. Then of course there is the infamous U.S.S. Liberty “incident,” in which the IDF attacked that American ship in 1967, during the Six-Day War, killing 34 sailors. Skeptics of US support for Israel often adduce the latter event, as Representative Thomas Massie (R-KY) did last month in Congress.
Questionable Israeli actions toward the US are not the only side of the geopolitical coin, however. Several of Israel’s Muslim enemies are also America’s: Iran (obviously), the Yemeni Houthis, Islamic jihadists in general. Israel indirectly assisted US operations in Iraq, 2003-2011. The US has been militarily allied with Israel (with the exception of the 1956 Suez War) since 1948. This has of course greatly benefited the Jewish state, which is the largest recipient of American foreign aid: some $158 billion since 2001, 95% of which is military funding. But it has also given Washington a usually-reliable proxy in the Middle East.
Compare the US-Israeli relationship in this regard with the “Five Eyes Club,” which consists of the US, Australia, Canada, the UK, and New Zealand. These Anglosphere nations share virtually all intelligence and pledge not to spy on one another. (When I worked at US Special Operations Command, we regularly saw and interacted with representatives from those countries.) Also, none gets any US foreign aid — except for New Zealand, which receives modest US economic assistance. This is quite different from America’s situation vis-à-vis Israel. Nonetheless, Israel wants to become enshrined as the “Sixth Eye.” So said Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu recently.
Some in Congress seem to be taking their cues from Netanyahu. In tandem with the NDAA, Representative Martin Stutzman (R-IN), introduced last month a resolution supporting the NDAA FUTURES section. His own press office says he did so “exactly one week after meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu in Jerusalem and receiving his enthusiastic support for the legislation.”
The 2027 NDAA, should it pass, would “move Israel from the category of major aid recipient and security partner into something closer to — and even beyond — the structural position occupied by the so-called Five Eyes countries…. However, the upgraded US-Israel relationship would be without a treaty, without the normal deliberative process…”
Is it wise to give Israel a formal stake in the US military, exceeding that of any other nation, especially at a time when we are engaged in a chronic, unpopular war with Iran and when Israel’s standing among Americans is at an all-time low?
Let’s not ignore the theological elephant in the halls of Congress. Many of Israel’s staunchest supporters are Republicans who are also Evangelical Protestants: Stutzman, Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA), Senator Ted Cruz (R-TX), among others. Johnson has said that the US has a “Biblical admonition” to help and support Israel. Cruz has stated that “Biblically, we are commanded to support Israel.” That position is regarded by many, certainly journalists, as the standard Christian position. It derives primarily from the 19th teachings of John Nelson Darby, who said that God has two plans of salvation: one for Christians, and a separate one for Jews. Thus, the land promises of the Old Testament to the Hebrews are binding for all time, and the Christian world is assigned the role of patron to that land and people. This idea has become a key part of Evangelical Protestantism (particularly in the Southern Baptist and non-denominational realms).
But most of the world’s Christians do not hold this view. Roman Catholics, Eastern Orthodox, and liturgical Protestants (such as confessional Lutherans), going back to the early church—following New Testament teachings (Galatian 3:29; Romans 9:6; etc.)—believe that Christ’s coming fulfilled all the promises to ancient Israel, and that the Kingdom of God is, until Christ returns, a spiritual one, not a political one. And thus that the state of Israel is no more “holy” than any other.
Now, of course, there are plenty of good reasons to support Israel as a regional ally: it’s a democracy, it doesn’t kill homosexuals, it opposes jihadists. But basing American support for Israel on one minority and disputed interpretation of Christian theology is not the way to run foreign policy. Calling anyone who questions any aspect of Israel foreign policy “antisemitic” is not helpful, either. Yes, that phenomenon does exist in America — mainly on the Left. But Israel is a nation-state, and Americans should be free to criticize it — and not its people — just as we do Russia or China or Argentina.
In his Farewell Address in 1796, President George Washingon said the following:
A passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement of justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others….
Also, note this: The nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some degree a slave.
The proposed 2027 NDAA would do exactly that to the US. Yes, let’s continue to support Israel — within reason. But let’s keep our War Department subject to decisions out of Washington, not Tel Aviv. We’ve already seen what harm the tail wagging the big dog in the Middle East can do.
Our First and Third Presidents were right.
Now our politicians should heed them.
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 | A guest post by
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When one actually reads what the law does - it looks like fairly standard legislation: little is actually defined. There is a broad outline/authority-created. But the actual manifestation is left, in large part, to the executive.
This, of course, provides fertile ground for speculation that evil will be done, and treason a fait accompli. But it also provides ground for speculation that cooperation with some of the capable minds resident in Israel (not to mention the US) could result in some design synergies.
For now, much will depend on the Trump Administration's handling. Tucker tells us Trump is Netanyahu's puppet; other news accounts tell us Trump most definitely views himself as the "Boss" of all mid-East policy. After 2028, who knows what will be the case? For now, I'm skeptical of the Tucker-Owens faction, and willing to wait-and-see . . .
"Beware of sentimental alliances where the consciousness of good deeds is the only compensation for noble sacrifices."
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